Every morning the politician went with his grandson to a church near his house, after which he had a short walk with only one member of the escort. This was due to the fact that the country had spread an atmosphere of resignation (if not indulgence) to the left-wing terrorism,[11] because in the trials defendants get extenuating circumstances,[11] Prima Linea was considered a simple subversive association (instead of an armed gang)[11] and a part of the judiciary harbored hostility towards the State and was sympathetic to the revolutionary myths;[11] so that the political scientist Giorgio Galli [it] said that terrorism had become "a historical phenomenon understandable (though not justifiable) in a period of social change thwarted by a corrupt political class".[11]. I don't see how the Banda della Magliana or anyone could identify the Red Brigades". This edition actually contains two nonfiction works: • The Moro Affair, in which Sciascia examines the 1978 kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, a former Prime Minister of Italy, who was kidnapped and then killed weeks later. [115], Since some of the ammunition used for the massacre had been treated with a special preserving paint (which was also found in some secret depots related to the Gladio undercover organization), it has been suggested that these would come from some Italian military or paramilitary corps. [26], Aldo Moro was never tortured by the Red Brigades during the 55 days; in the 1990s Italian journalist Indro Montanelli commented severely on the letters written during the kidnapping, saying that "Everyone in this world has the right to be afraid. All the guards died in the action but Francesco Zizzi, died in the hospital a few hours later. In the course of Moro's capture the terrorists fired 93 bullets. [...] I thus decided to reduce the number of participants, but the leakage continued to grow, so that at the end there were only two. After the ambush in via Fani the terrorists took only the most interesting for them of the five bags that Moro carried with him. [90], According to the 'Ndrangheta pentito Francesco Fonti, his boss Sebastiano Romeo was involved in attempts to locate the place where Moro was held. Pecorelli stated that there were two groups within the Red Brigades, one favourable to the negotiations, and one who wanted to kill Moro in any case. "Aldo Moro, al di la' della melassa ipocrita...". It was supposed that his words referred to the abduction of Moro. Montanelli, Indro (22 March 1997). [7], 91 bullets were fired of which 45 hit the bodyguards, who were all killed. The likely allusion to P2 became clear only after the discovery of a list of the lodge members on 17 March 1981. Francesco Cossiga, minister of the interior at the time, formed two "crisis committees" on the very day of the kidnapping of Moro. Autoptic examinations made after the discovery assigned the death to around 09:00 and 10:00 of the same day, in contradiction to the terrorist's declarations. [86] Sources such as the magazine l'espresso further suppose that he could have been a member of the Italian intelligence service and identify him as Giustino De Vuono, a marksman once part of the French Foreign Legion: according to their reconstruction, the 49 bullets found in the bodies of the bodyguards would come from his weapon. The Moro Affair (Italian: Il caso Moro) is a 1986 Italian crime film directed by Giuseppe Ferrara about the kidnapping of Aldo Moro in 1978. The Moro Affair is at the heart of Sciascia's public writings... a dazzling piece of invective... [Moro] will be remembered largely as the subject of this great master's greatest polemic. He was sitting in a blue Fiat 130 driven by Domenico Ricci. Volonte also played the leading role in ″Christ Stopped at Eboli.″ "Caso Moro, un musicista ospitò i capi Br". [12] Moro, who had previously written a letter to the Pope, reacted angrily to the latter point, feeling he had been abandoned by the Vatican. [78][79] See also below, It was also supposed that Moro had told his kidnappers of the existence of Operation Gladio, many years before its public revelation in 1990. In 1992 the Mafia pentito Tommaso Buscetta revealed that the journalist had been eliminated as "a favor to Andreotti", who was preoccupied about some information about Moro's kidnapping in the possession of Pecorelli. An hour later the terrorist group the Red Brigades announced that Moro was in their hands; on March 18 they said he would be tried in a "people's court of justice." [25] Cossiga would later admit that he had partially written the speech held by Giulio Andreotti in which it was said that Moro's letter were to be considered "not morally authentic". From this point of view the false "Communication No.7" was a code message from sectors of the Italian secret agencies that Moro should not return alive from his imprisonment.[80]. Moro, Aldo, 1916-1978 -- Kidnapping, 1978, Moro, Aldo, 1916-1978 -- Assassination, Majorana, Ettore, Red Brigades, Terrorism -- Italy, Physicists -- Italy -- Biography, Italy -- Politics and government -- 1976-1994. The location was mentioned by journalist Carmine Pecorelli as the residence of opera conductor Igor Markevitch who, according to some theories, was the alleged instigator of the whole kidnapping. But a Statesman (and Moro was the State) can't try to induce the State to a negotiation with terrorists that over all, in the kidnapping of Via Fani, had left on the asphalt five dead between Carabinieri and policemen."[27]. [63] She said that the words to Moro which he repeated to her were: ... you have to put an end to your political plan of mustering all the forces in your country to collaborate directly. On March 16th 1978, the Red Brigades kidnap Aldo Moro, the former Italian Prime Minister and the leader of Christian Democrats, the party in power in Italy since the end of the war. [101], Pieczenik also declared that, once returned to the United States, he met an alleged Argentinian secret agent who knew everything that had happened at the Italian crisis committee. Morucci and Faranda were eventually arrested in her flat. The success of the action would thus halt the Communists' rise to Italian state institutions, reassuring the BR as a key point in a future revolutionary war against capitalism. [48] Other sources list Guglielmi as a true member of Gladio, but the officer always firmly denied this accusation. He omitted to reveal the decisions and the activities of the committee however. 7" announced the death of Moro and that he had been on the bottom of Lago della Duchessa, a very small mountain lake in the province of Rieti (north of Rome). Gallo, Giuliano; Martirano Dino; Cavallaro, Felice (25 September 1999). The in-story explanations are likely: Frieza imposed order and Merus felt he couldn’t tackle a threat like that himself without interfering in mortal affairs, Cell, again, was a mortal affair. The committees were acting according to old standards: the planning of measures to be taken in case of emergency dating back to the 1950s, and it hadn't been updated even after the alarming growth of terrorism. Steve Pieczenik was an American negotiatior and expert in terrorism who was sent by the US State Department, at the request of Cossiga, and remained in Italy for three weeks during Moro's detention. Ugo Perolino. This looked like a more favourable moment to kidnap him, since most of the bodyguards were not present, but was not chosen by the terrorists. [109], Russian composer and conductor Igor Markevitch has also been purported to have helped the kidnappers, housing them in his villa at Florence and perhaps preparing the questions made to Moro. Judge Ferdinando Imposimato considered Andreotti's theory as "possible", but accused him of having kept information that could have been valuable in a trial about Moro's murder. In the letter of 8 April Moro launched a vibrant attack at Benigno Zaccagnini, national secretary of Christian Democracy, at Francesco Cossiga, then Minister of the Interior, as well as on the whole of his party: "Of course, I cannot prevent myself from underlining the wickedness of all the Christian Democrats who did not agree with my position [...] And Zaccagnini? [131], "Moro Affair" redirects here. Several authorities have suggested that Propaganda 2 (P2) was involved in the kidnapping of Aldo Moro. Moro would be killed there, in an underground parking garage. [9], On 16 March the escort in Via Fani was not carrying weapons, which were instead kept in the trunks of the cars;[10] Eleonora Chiavarelli (Aldo Moro's wife) said, during the trial, that the weapons were in the trunks because "these people didn't know how to use weapons because they had never had any shooting practice, they were not used to handling them, so the guns were in the trunk. [91] With the help of SISMI and the Banda della Magliana, Fonti was able to locate the house where Moro was kept. Despite the warnings of some members of the government, the [31], Italian politicians were divided into two factions: one favourable to negotiations which, amongst others, included the secretary of the Italian Socialist Party, Bettino Craxi and the others totally negating that possibility, most of the Christian Democracy and Italian Communist Party, including the latter's national secretary Enrico Berlinguer[12] and Republican leader Ugo La Malfa who proposed the death penalty for the terrorists. The Caetani palace in which Markevitch and his wife lived had a bas-relief of two lions biting two horses.[112]. Buu would clearly be in the same vein as Moro, but Merus likely did not know about Babidi and … He however stated that it would be ignored if the communication had been actually issued. [116], Journalist Rita di Giovacchino suggests that Moro was not in via Fani during the massacre, but had been taken prisoner by another organization and that the Red Brigades acted only as "front men". However this collaboration never materialized. "Erano le 6.30, così uccidemmo Moro". However Giulio Grassini, head of SISDE and member of P2, did not take any investigative measures. Memories and Narrations. Philip Hensher, Spectator Within three minutes the gang killed his escort and bundled Moro into one of three getaway cars. [45] The decision to abandon the search was taken between 9 and 10 April after Moro had revealed to his captors a series of very compromising information about the American CIA and Giulio Andreotti. Leonardi was the head of the bodyguard team. Moro's cars were finally trapped from behind by Lojacono's 128. Since Moro was surely aware that if his bags had been found in the massacre location, they had been taken by the investigators. [29], Moro is also acquainted that he is not the only one, that he is, indeed, the higher exponent of the regime; he thus summons the other hierarchs to share with him the responsibilities, and addresses them an appeal which sounds like an explicit call of "co-culpability". The Carabinieri general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa (then coordinator of the fight against terrorism in Italy, later killed by the Mafia) found copies of some previously unknown letters in an apartment used by the terrorists in via Monte Nevoso. Moretti took the reins of the Red Brigades after Franceschini and Curcio were arrested in the mid-1970s, introducing a far stronger militarization of the organization's activities. Firing automatic weapons, the terrorists killed Moro's bodyguards, (two Carabinieri in Moro's car and three policemen in the following car) and kidnapped him. The Moro Affair is about a political assassination by Italian terrorists known as the Red Brigade who were mro by that grand master of genocide, Stalin. Pieczenik also stated that he did not release any written document.[99]. When he reported back, Romeo said that he had done a good job but that important politicians in Rome had changed their minds. On the morning of 16 March 1978, the day on which the new cabinet led by Giulio Andreotti was supposed to have undergone a confidence vote in the Italian Parliament, the car of Aldo Moro, former prime minister and then president of Christian Democracy (Italian: Democrazia Cristiana, or DC, Italy's relative majority party at the time), was assaulted by a group of Red Brigades (Italian: Brigate Rosse, or BR) terrorists in Via Fani in Rome. Italy, 1978. It turned out that those noises interpreted as MORSE code were in fact coming from the electric typewriter used by the Terrorists (BR) to type their demand letters. [55][56][57], The apartment in via Gradoli (see below[58]) had been rented by Mario Moretti under the pseudonym of Mario Borghi since 1978. In 1978, Aldo Moro, Italy's prime minister, was kidnapped by the Red Brigade, held for several weeks and executed by a ``People's Court.''. "Dai contatti dei brigatisti ai baffi di Morucci La versione (e gli enigmi) del prete di Moro". Mino Pecorelli, already mentioned for his likely knowledge of the presence of Moretti in via Gradoli, was one of the few journalists to immediately deny the authenticity of "Communication No.7", whereas most authorities had considered it true. 7 and the discovery of the base of via Gradoli. [53], Another debated case was regarding the presence of Camillo Guglielmi, a colonel of SISMI's 7th Division which controlled Operation Gladio, in via Stresa near the location of the ambush, and in those exact minutes when the BR kidnapped Moro. He later collaborated with Tom Clancy as a novel and cinematic writer. [35], Andreotti underwent a trial for his role in the assassination of Pecorelli. "[21] Writer Leonardo Sciascia suggested that in his letters Moro was including clues about his position, as when he wrote "I am here in full health"[22][23] to indicate that he was in Rome. [39] The body was found that same day in the trunk of a red Renault 4 in via Michelangelo Caetani in the historic centre of Rome. According to what was reported by Cazora in 1991 some members of the 'ndrangheta, who had been expelled from Calabria, had offered their assistance to the Christian Democracy to discover the location of Moro, in exchange for the possibility to return to their homeland. "Grandi coalizioni. According to her, this would also explain the sibylline remark pronounced by Sereno Freato, first secretary of Aldo Moro, when Carmine Pecorelli (see above) was also found dead: "Investigate on the instigators of Pecorelli's murder, and would find the instigators of Moro's murder". Enrico Berlinguer spoke of "an attempt to stop a positive political process", but Lucio Magri, representative of the extreme left PUP, was concerned about the hypocrisy of passing laws limiting personal freedom as a reaction to the massacre, saying that "it would play into the hands of the strategy of subversion". For undisclosed reasons the finding was not publicly revealed for years. On 9 May 1978, after a summary "people's trial", Moro was murdered by Mario Moretti. In the 1986 film, ″Il Caso Moro″ (The Moro Affair), Volonte portrayed Aldo Moro, the former Christian Democrat premier who was kidnapped and slain by the Red Brigades terrorist group in 1978. Carlos stated that the officers involved in the attempt were all expelled from the services, being forced to resign or to go into compulsory retirement on a pension. Before the events of via Fani, Pecorelli had already written about the possibility that Moro would be blocked in his attempt to admit the Italian Communist Party into the government. But the leakage did not stop. [...] After a while I recognized that what happened in the meeting room was leaking outside. [53], Investigations made by DIGOS discovered that several machines used by the terrorists to print their communications from one year before the kidnapping of Moro, which was financed by Moretti, had been previously owned by the Italian state. "Tutti assolti per l'omicidio Pecorelli". 49 shots came from a single weapon, a FNAB-43 submachine gun, and 22 from another of the same model. Calabrò, Maria Antonietta (30 May 1999). Some 30 years after the events Steve Pieczenik, an expert on terrorism of the US State Department, declared in an interview that the decision to issue the false communication was taken during a meeting of the crisis committee, present at which were Francesco Cossiga, members of the Italian intelligence agencies and Franco Ferracuti (as previously mentioned, a member of P2). According to several sources the colleague confirmed that Guglielmi came to his house, but had not been invited. [67] Chichiarelli spoke of the communication to several people, including Luciano Dal Bello, a confidant of the Carabinieri and of SISDE. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. Francesco Cossiga declared that Moro's confessor, Don, This page was last edited on 8 April 2021, at 14:52. [67] Del Bello reported the facts but no investigation on Chichiarelli followed. He reported a confidence told to him by co-founder Renato Curcio, according to whom Mario Moretti would be an infiltrated agent. While the kidnappers later claimed to have tried to mislead the investigators by pouring water and sand onto the victim and into the car, forensic geologists doubt that the killers at the time would have been aware of grains of sand as possible evidence for a crime and wouldn't likely have gone through such effort.[19]. The base was normally used by Mario Moretti but the Italian media reported the discovery immediately and he avoided returning there. The car with his body was taken to via Caetani where it was parked about one hour after the murder. "Cinema a Roma - prime visioni - Il caso Moro", "Cinema - Prime visioni a Biella - Il caso Moro", https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_Moro_Affair&oldid=1013768516, Short description is different from Wikidata, Articles containing Italian-language text, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 23 March 2021, at 10:38. [118], Numerous unanswered questions surround Moro's kidnapping in via Fani:[90]. We thus conclude the battle begun on 16 March, executing the sentence to which Aldo Moro has been condemned.[29]. According to others[who?] [68] The neighbor whose call had led to the inspection, Lucia Mokbel, was officially a university student of Egyptian descent and was later identified as a confidant of SISDE[69] or of the police. Published in the volume The Moro Affair. In January 1979, Andreotti's cabinet resigned: Pertini entrusted the task to Ugo La Malfa, but the attempt failed and there were new elections. Fifty-five days later, his corpse was found in the centre of Rome in the trunk of a red Renault. On the same day Andreotti's government obtained a large majority of votes, including those of his traditional enemies, notably PCI. [75] Cazora had reported this warning to the DC and to the police.[76][77]. In a letter to his wife Moro wrote during captivity he asked her to take care of his bags. If you are interested in the ways one may study literatuyre as a form of archeolgocal method of understanding history–this volume is a must rea, a masterpiece. It was the first time since 1947 that Italian Communists had a government position, even if indirect. They put him into the trunk of a red Renault and, after covering him with a red sheet, Moretti shot Moro with a 9 mm Walther PPK and after the weapon jammed, a 7.65 mm Škorpion vz. The terrorists had prepared the ambush by parking two cars in Via Mario Fani which, once moved, would prevent Moro's cars from escaping. [45] In the trunk there were also some of Moro's personal effects, a bracelet and his watch, and some spent cartridges. [83] In 1997 Giulio Andreotti declared that the information came from the Bologna section of Autonomia Operaia, a far-left organization with some ties with the BR, and that Cossiga also knew the true source. [91], Morabito's revelations were not considered supported by adequate evidence. 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